Source: iranwire.com
The election of Masoud Pezeshkian as the President of Iran, despite his promises to champion minority rights, has been met with mixed reactions among minority groups.
While his rhetoric offers hope to some, his strong adherence to the Supreme Leader’s policies highlights that there would not be substantial changes, particularly for informal minorities.
Many fear that his promises may remain mere slogans rather than leading to meaningful reforms.
During the campaigns, he stressed that power should not be monopolized by any single group, advocating for “the inclusion of various ethnic and religious communities – Kurdish, Azeri, Baluch, and others – in decision-making processes.”
Fred Petrosian, a Christian journalist and researcher, points out that while election campaigns often highlight freedoms and rights for women and minorities, there are significant obstacles to achieving true equality.
“Some groups, including women and minorities, often find value in the promises made by candidates during election campaigns, which frequently emphasize freedom and comfort,” he said.
“However, what hampers Masoud Pezeshkian from making substantial progress toward granting equal rights to non-Muslim minorities is the fact that the Supreme Leader determines the overarching policies of the regime. As Pezeshkian is aligned with this leadership and owes his position to it, meaningful reforms are unlikely,” he added.
He points out that challenging the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei – who has previously criticized house churches and minorities such as Baha’is – is not feasible under these conditions.
Another significant issue is the government’s approach to religious minorities, especially those not recognized in the constitution.
Petrosian notes that a government intent on exporting its Islamic revolution may find its image threatened when its Muslim citizens convert to Christianity despite extensive oppression and propaganda.
In Iran’s constitution, Christians are recognized as an “official minority,” but this recognition does not extend to Muslims or followers of other religions who convert to Christianity.
These converts are labelled as “apostates” under Sharia law, making it taboo to even mention their names or rights.
Petrosian explains: “It is taboo to mention Baha’is and their converts, let alone consider changing their status.
“The Guardian Council, which screens presidential candidates, would not allow anyone to challenge the government’s taboos regarding minorities.
“Thus, the fact that Pezeshkian has passed this rigorous vetting indicates that his stance on minorities is unlikely to differ significantly from past policies, which have consistently excluded informal minorities.”
He further says that this adherence to government principles is evident in Pezeshkian’s statements: “Even in Mr. Pezeshkian’s discussions of ethnicities and religions, Christian converts and Baha’is are conspicuously absent. This omission suggests that even mentioning these groups remains taboo, let alone altering their status.”
Petrosian also highlights the severe impact of repression on the Christian minority in Iran, evidenced by large-scale emigration. For example, the Armenian population, once between 150,000 and 250,000 before the revolution, now numbers about 60,000, despite Iran’s population more than doubling in the same period.
Despite repression, increased emigration, and government efforts to erase minority identities, Petrosian believes that both official and unofficial minorities – such as Christian converts, Yarasan followers, and Baha’is – are striving to preserve their identities.
The Baha’i community faces particularly severe discrimination.
Not only are they unrecognized by the government, but they are also subjected to derogatory rhetoric and hate campaigns.
This discrimination extends to the point where Baha’is who died during the Iran-Iraq War are not recognized as martyrs or veterans by the government.
Wesaq Sanaei, a spokesperson for the Baha’i community, says: “Over the past 45 years, Baha’is have faced systematic restrictions on their rights, from education to burial practices, all due to their beliefs.
“These pressures are not only widespread but also government-supported. Documents reveal that top authorities have issued orders to halt the development of the Baha’i community as much as possible.”
Sanaei adds that the government has attempted to justify this repression through various campaigns, emphasizing the need for the Iranian government to address these issues responsibly.
He advocates for the recognition of citizenship rights for all Iranian citizens and the creation of opportunities for participation to foster progress and development.
Sanaei believes that, beyond governmental duties, citizens have a role in combating discrimination by raising awareness and promoting mutual respect.
The Yarasan community in Iran faces significant challenges due to their lack of formal recognition in the legal system.
This de-identification affects their access to essential rights such as livelihood and education. Given the Islamic Republic’s policies, which conflict with the Yarasan community’s existential beliefs, there is little hope for a shift in the power dynamics.
Farahnaz Fathi, a Yarasan activist, expresses scepticism about the impact of presidential changes on unofficial minorities.
She says, “When a society and a group are not recognized in Articles 13 and 64 of the constitution, it doesn’t matter who becomes president. For us unofficial minorities, there is no difference between Tehran’s butcher and Mohammad Khatami.”
Fathi further explains that the only distinction between candidates like Saeed Jalili and Masoud Pezeshkian for the Yarasan community lies in their degrees of radicalism.
She says, “In an environment where the Guardian Council strictly vets presidential candidates, the constitution’s lack of recognition for Yarasans means that changing the president is akin to moving a piece in a game where the rules remain unchanged.”
Despite occasional recognition of certain minority groups as “people of the book” by Iran’s leadership, the Yarasan community holds little hope that Pezeshkian’s presidency will improve their situation.
Fathi asserts, “We cannot deceive ourselves. When our beliefs are fundamentally at odds with Islamic principles, expecting to be granted rights or facilities is unrealistic. As long as such a system remains in place, we cannot hope for a better future.”
Fathi also criticizes recent government actions aimed at erasing the Yarasan community’s historical presence, citing the evacuation of the Biglarbeigi Museum, which held significant documents about the Yarasan people.
She says, “If we had not established a community in a specific area, they might have eradicated us entirely. In such a system, any attempt at change is futile. Even if Pezeshkian wanted to make a difference, the system’s constraints would prevent any meaningful reform.”
Avat Pouri, a social activist from the Sunni and Kurdish community, believes that even minor changes, such as the appointment of middle managers and governors, could positively impact minority rights, including those of Sunnis in areas like Kurdistan and Sistan and Baluchistan.
Pouri distinguishes between Jalili and Pezeshkian in their approach to minority rights.
He notes that while Pezeshkian has advocated for minority rights, Jalili maintained that no rights had been taken away from these groups.
Pouri says that if Jalili had been elected, there would have been no change in minority status.
Despite differing approaches, Pouri emphasizes that meaningful change can only occur if macro policies shift.
“The president alone cannot alter the political climate of the country, real change depends on the will of Ayatollah Khamenei,” he says.
However, Pouri remains hopeful that Pezeshkian could improve conditions for Sunnis by appointing sympathetic governors and ministers, similar to the reforms era when local officials were more responsive to public demands.
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